Wednesday, October 30, 2019

Knowledge Management Foundations of IT Systems HW Research Paper

Knowledge Management Foundations of IT Systems HW - Research Paper Example In this scenario, the basic purpose of a knowledge management system should be the assurance that the approved clients will be able to access information. Moreover, just using a straightforward information management, recovery system and document cataloging is the beginning. Since gathering business knowledge does not only engage software and technology but it also necessitates a powerful document management software and intellectual change of how data and information are produced, managed, dispersed, stored and developed into modernization (infoRouter, 1998), (TechTarget, 1998) and (Bellinger, 2004). This paper discusses some novel aspects of knowledge management (KM) discipline for organizational innovation. In this paper I will analyze some of the prime areas of KM system for our organization. I will discuss some advantages along with significant factors regarding this new technology application at different levels of our corporation. CURRENT PROBLEMS WITH ORGANIZATION With curren t business practice at the corporation we are facing some critical problems regarding corporate operational arrangement. In this scenario the major issue is due to the traditional and inflexible working structure of the business. Seeing that, currently corporation is running its operations using traditional business practices (without knowledge management system) thus, below are some possible issues: (Laudon & Laudon, 1999) and (Turban, Leidner, McLean, & Wetherbe, 2005) Long time required for processing information Difficulties in managing records using paper based approach Difficult to manage business processes A lot of time required to search for the business information Absolutely no or least data sharing More workers required to handle business information Information gathered can include dirty data Business reports are complex and not offering better contribution for the effective decision making about business KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT SIGNIFICANCE Knowledge management outlines th e major concerns of organizational efforts, change and ability beside fundamental and irregular environmental changes. Additionally, it represents organizational procedures that look for synergistic grouping of information and data processing capability of information technologies, and the modern and inspired competence of various individuals. Moreover, the knowledge management is related to the practical and thoughtful implementation for the reason that it does not exist in the hypothetical description however in the actual world implementation where the maximum confronts and prospects recline (Global Risk Management Network LLC,, 2011) and (Laudon & Laudon, 1999). IMPORTANCE KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM Knowledge management system is an innovative concept that is used to illustrate the creation of knowledge warehouses, knowledge availability and distribution, communication through teamwork, improving the knowledge framework and organizing knowledge as a plus point for an enterprise . Normally, knowledge management system encompasses a variety of applications and techniques those

Monday, October 28, 2019

Coal Is Just Not Black Gold Essay Example for Free

Coal Is Just Not Black Gold Essay Based on the literature and observations, he then proposes few strategic recommendations to improve organisational effectiveness both to Law makers and to company. INTRODUCTION Coal India Limited (CIL) is a Government of India Undertaking, Maharatna (Country’s Jewel) company which employees 400,000 people approximately as of April’12. In ended last financial year, with net annual sales of 15 billion dollars, and a net annual operating profit of 3 billion dollars approximately by producing coal from its 466 Coal mines across India and selling it to Power generation companies. It is the biggest and only listed company in the sector, where private companies are not allowed to compete, Thus accounting to 80% of Annual national production of Coal in India. CIL has five unions, which represent all the employees in the company. Since the company is only major coal producer and acts more like a monopoly in the sector, wages are low compared to Industry average in other countries. Coal India apart from producing coal on its own also gives few coal mines to private third parties for contract. These mines are smaller in size and remote for the company to allocate resources, hence they are contracted. This strategy of contracting coal mines and not having enough regulations around Coal production has led to few private contractors preferring illegal means of employment in these coal mines and not allowing private competitors to compete with Public sector companies COAL IN INDIA Indian Coal Industry currently occupies third position by producing 400 metric tons per year ( mtpy), after US (1100 mtpy and China 2400 mtpy. Within the country Coal mining is nationalized and accounts for 60 per cent of electricity production. Coal being crucial resource for economic growth, it is safeguarded by government by passing many acts, Indian Mines Act of 1952, Mines and Minerals Regulation and Development (MMRD) act are the key legislative act meant for protecting labour working in mining industry and governing mining and exploration in India respectively. After further revision in 1993 and 2002, National Mining Policy was outlined by Government of India whose objectives are mineral development through exploration in both Onshore and Offshore fields. Policy is meant to promote mineral industry standardize training and research, considering future needs of the country with minimal impact of nature and ensure safety and health of all people involved in the industry. These objectives do make a progress in standardizing the rules, however it has to clearly describe how the law handles informal mines and how to deal with illegitimacy under current law. According to a Journalist expert of small mines Chakravorty (2002), Illegal mines in India constitute of 88 per cent of the total reported mines in count, producing approximately 10 per cent of the total value of mineral production of the country. This number has increased in the last decade , where 30 per cent of illegal mining. These mines comprise of poor people toiling for lowest wages and almost negligible security, health and safety conditions. According to MMRD Act, Mines Act and other Environmental Acts, all minerals are broadly classified into â€Å"Major† and â€Å"Minor† and rest the responsibility of mining with the state. MMRD has further classified mines has Class A or Class B determined based on the mechanical equipment used and Labour employment the mine generates. Based on financial investment, Labour work, Depth of deposits and technology deployed, mines are simplified to different Classes and given for contract. Typically Class B mines are given for contract to subsidiaries by CIL , One such example is Eastern Coal Fields, in state of Meghalaya, where even though they mines are Small, they are labour intensive and needs to have high security and health standards. National Institute of Small Mines (NISM) , a governing body has classified mines based on the production amounts. From various acts above, it can be understood that legal definitions hinge on physical dimensions of mine, which is in turn is used to determine the effort and time required to mine. However for a complex economic activity like mining with close social linkages and unique to the nature of the mine, such reductionist approach and simplifying mines obscures the diversity of mining practices across scales. As large formal processes of mineral extraction, processing and use cannot be applied to such small mines they tend to be rejected and Illegitimated. Clearly, existing laws have loopholes which are inadequate in handling perennial Informal and Illegal mining. Also Illegal miners cannot lobby for recognition, since current structure of the sector is monopolistic with over 80% reserves under CIL. This situation has resulted in dire consequences and well-being of Local society around colliery areas and environment. COAL INDIA , A MONOPOLY Coal India Limited (CIL) established in 1970, is responsible for mining the coal, while the ownership of which is vested with the state. Consequently the organization has played a critical role in meeting state’s growth plans. The decision making on mineral resources is influenced by engineers, geologists, bureaucrats and political groups and governance is solely vested with CIL. The Coal Mines Nationalisation Bill, 2000 allows state governments to mine coal only if CIL certifies with no Intention to mine certificate. The Ministry of Coal ( MoC ) has awarded CIL a near monopolistic power, giving rise to tight control on its country’s reserves and lack of transparency in many areas. Because of lack of more advanced technology for procuring coal and other social costs, it is also noted that mining cost of Coal in India is 35% higher than other exporting countries like Indonesia, Australia, because of poor productivity ( 3 tonnes / man shift ) as compared to 12 tonnes / man shift in Australia. As a solution privatising of coal sector is attempted, however it is still in preliminary stage. The challenge to policy makers in this regard is to ensure how to safeguard the wealth from illegal mining and environment within the region, at the same time benefit people in mining areas by making laws that do not outcaste people and their livelihoods as illegitimate also ensure greater transparency and standardization in pricing of coal. In coming years, demand for coal in the country is expected to increase multi fold, according to IEA 2006, Reuters 2007, hence the need for government to restructure the sector is critical to not only to answer many global implications concerning climate changes and Kyoto Protocol and but also streamline the definite increase in informal collieries which will continue to meet the demands of local consumers and ensure they meet minimum security and health standards of living. SOCIAL IMPACT Coal India Limited has destroyed environment in many coal traces with no or little concern for social implications, Inspire of Forest and environment controls. This behaviour can be attributed to sole monopoly power vested with one company on nation’s coal production. There were other instances of violation of human rights noticed while employee people at Coal mines One such example, It was noted that at Janita Hills, Meghalaya , India. 5000 children less than age of 18 was trafficked from Assam, Nepal and Bangladesh and employed by coal mines in Meghalaya which are contracted to private contractors by CIL . Many such instances were noticed not only in eastern part of India , but also across many nations’ coal traces in West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka states. Inspite of the Mines Act , 1952 which doesn’t allow bonded labourers or people below the age of 18 to work. Sometimes even without environment degradations, large mining projects have impacted social lives with serious implications for the livelihoods of local communities around in and around coal traces, where people were forced to leave their traditional occupations for scavenging in left over coal traces, which are not economically viable for contractors. Such instances were noticed in Jharkhand, where government and company officials have neglected social and cultural issues around the mining areas for years impacting the livelihoods of people living in these areas. This has created a need for extreme leftist or Maoist Movements to resist such acts– as observed by Chandra Bhusan, Associate Director of Centre of Science and Environment. According to him Indian Mineralised tracts are mostly in conflict Zones, since Company officials, technical experts and governing bodies never seriously engaged with social issues. Current legal instruments are anti-poor and of colonial vintage and unable to deal with today’s realities. Many Civil Non-Governmental Organisation groups have taken a non-violent approach to use existing judicial mechanisms such as filing Public Interest Litigation(PIL) to bring justice to local communities whose daily lives are impacted. Ex : PIL filed against Eastern Coalfields Limited by Mazdoor Sabha in Country’s Apex court. Although Supreme Court Panel has lashed against CIL, It remained unresponsive SOCIAL LICENSE TO OPERATE Over the past 2 decades many changes were noticed in global mining industry. There is increased and concerted global efforts where nine major global companies supported a global scale project called Mines, Minerals and Sustainable Development (MMSD) Project ,whose direct outcome is to the increasing charges of environmental destruction and irresponsibility on coal mining companies to care socio-cultural changes caused by them in areas of operation are laid out and followed globally. MMSD group of companies agreed that Mining Company in developing countries not only needs Legal license to operate but also Social License to Operate. Under this backdrop At CIL, mining engineers who make all the plans , mining project itself assumes more importance over people living in these mining operations. This view was observed from many bureaucrats in India, CIL uses their rationale that Land Acquisition Act or Coal Bearing Areas Act does not provide assistance for Local people around the impacted areas, thus ignoring local needs and perpetuating illegal mining under its belt. ILLEGAL COAL MINING AND UNSAFE WORKING CONDITIONS In energy-hungry country like India, demand for coal has increased in the last 2 decades, coal production remained fairly stable, causing coal prices to surge in recent years. The lack of reform and rising demand have spawned a seedy underbelly of â€Å"Coal Mafia† and a class of workers that illegally scavenge the mines for coal. The Coal Nationalization act in 1952, revised in 2000 has made it legal for just the centre or state governments to authorize coal mining, i. . , only government owned companies, its subsidiaries and contracted third parties. Apart from illegally mining, scavenging from abandoned mines is another source of obtaining coal. In West Bengal state for instance Raniganj-Jharia region there are many abandoned mines by CIL subsidiaries which have neglected filling up the mines with sand, as per regulation , consequently villagers have ready access to scavenge. It was also observed that open abandoned underground mines release hazardous gases like Carbon Monoxide which are hazardous and can kill people who go to scavenge left over coal. Scavenging can occur in both underground and open cast mines. The later assumes greater significance. In these areas Poor Security of mines storage and transportation was observed where coal is transported with head baskets into awaiting trucks. Coal India also delivers coal to local sale dumps located near the mines and big dumps, pilferage takes place regularly on major highways from long distance. In eastern India, Its not unusual to see women and children work the unsafe mines with the most rudimentary tools. Most are drawn to it in the hopes of earning a better  income. According to World Bank, over 20 million people depend on mineral resource extraction for living. When this number is compared with formal mining industries it is immensely large. PAUPERIZATION IN COAL MINING AREAS IN INDIA In colliery areas where CIL operates, significant amount of social and environmental transformation takes place over a period of time. Within bureaucratic and political circles the notion that Coal as a commodity is being excavated for greater common good by a Central government owned body like Coal India Limited, represents lack of attentions to people’s interests and social impacts of mining coal. Decay of social fabric, erosion of traditional livelihood, rising levels of urbanisation are some of the socio impacts which vary according to physical proximity of the mine to livelihoods. Between 1971 and 2001, people in Ranijang region in west Bengal have slowly moved away from agriculture as an occupation to mining and scavenging , even in non-colliery areas. Women especially from downtrodden caste and below poverty line are most impacted by this migration. In areas of Jharkhand gradual pauperization of people around coal mining areas have taken place in which traditional land and water rights in the region in which they live are lost and few negligible short term benefits of mining are accrued which will is leading to steady extinction of tribal people in remote coal mining areas. In most of the cases, links between the legal and illegal coal mines are more complex than above example. Both the groups either co-exist or coal mining company complains against scavenging to local authorities as law and order problem, however bureaucratic reply is usually pointing the company should take care of its resources. Hence in the existing legal setup both parties formally or informally will try to co-exist peacefully. Similar setup exists between large scale and small scale transportation in centralized control manner controlled by mafia group. Part of the root cause for such inefficient maintenance, transportation and distribution systems lies with CIL and its subsidiaries where they are not standardized and do not consider domestic consumer, In the entire eastern region CIL doesn’t have large depot to cater the needs of domestic consumers. Hence often industry owner applies for a license to grant coal to fire the furnaces or generate power. This permission is difficult to get and consumer need to bribe any intermediate parties from company officials, bureaucrats and politicians leading to significant overhead cost for the company, there by preferring a shorter and simpler coal extracting methods by joining hands with mafia system or illegal mining. STRATEGY MAKING PROCESS FOLLOWED BY GOVERNMENT OF INDIA AND COAL INDIA In the above sections, various issues faced by the community, company and the system at large are explained. To understand the issue in hand better and to analyse the issues lingering the sector better, Government’s and Company’s behaviour with larger society is compared with few Strategy making processes. According to author, current system has a predefined set of objectives and is thriving to achieve that without considering other subjects involved in entire scenario. This behaviour aptly fits into Classical approach highlighted by Grant (2008). The reductionist approach by MMRD and other acts by the Government can be mapped to this approach Government trying to oversimplify the complexities involved in various mines based on certain factors like Size, productivity etc. , such approach leads to formation of clear goals to the Company and doesn’t allow the company to recognize the emergent behaviour of the employees, people livelihoods in affected areas. Below is a modified representation of Grant’s Classical approach of Strategic Human Resource Management. Figure 1 : Common elements in successful Strategies , Adopted from Grant ( 2008: 7) Author notices that because of monopolistic nature of coal mining sector in India and sufficient support from political circles, there isn’t sufficient pressure on the company for Profound understanding of all the groups involved. In Most of the cases, Long term agreed objectives takes more priority over other priorities mentioned like Profound Understanding of all groups involved, Regular Appraisals of employees involved and Environmental awareness. Hence the company will focus on financial targets to achieve more than Social Impact it creates in thousands of people it impacts. Thus it can be stated that Classical approach readily doesn’t fit in or help in solving the issue. Current Intended strategy of Government of India, behind Nationalization of Coal mining in 1952 is to protect the reserves from exploitation by private parties is well understood, however with the changing times , growing demand and involvement of various other socio-political and technological factors, Intended Strategy is not being completely realized. There is a deliberate effort on its part , to ensure current intended strategy works by allowing illegal mining and scavenging by local people in coal mining areas in order to peacefully co-exist and continue to mine in coal traces. However by comparing the number of court petitions filed by local tribes in Jharkhand, WestBengal living nearer to various collieries, comparing the productivity / person and high cost of mining compared to other export countries it can be understood that , slowly they are moving towards an unrealized strategy where focus is only on net volumes realized and not considering environmental impact . EMERGENT STRATEGY OF STRATEGIC HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT In practice organization approach can be explained by Emergent Strategy approach as suggested by Mintzberg (1987) are relevant. According to March (1976) and Mintzberg (1987), planned strategies are not always realized; strategies can often emerge and evolve over a period of time. The Strategy should be moulded over action . Similar such fluid approach can be applied, where an additional dimension as mentioned below in Emergent strategy is required to recover from unrealized strategy and to streamline the company’s goals. Privatization of coal mining along with a holistic review of existing mining policies impacting the sector is the emergent strategy to improve the productivity, transparency of coal production and livelihoods of people involved. However its application remains a challenge. Figure 2 : The Emergent Strategy, source from the strategy concept, California Management Review, Mintzberg. H, 1987. Systemic Approach of Strategic Human Resource management On similar lines to Emergent Approach of Strategic Human resource management, Whittington(1993,2001) systemic approach provides more answers to the issue, where Strategy is shaped by the social system the company operates within. This strategy is shaped by cultural and institutional interests of broader society, since organisations and decision makers are embedded in network of social relations, hence adept understanding of the needs of the society at large and acting accordingly should be key . OUTCOMES Profit-Maximising PROCESSES Deliberate Emergent Pluralistic Classical Evolutionary Systemic Processual OUTCOMES Profit-Maximising PROCESSES Deliberate Emergent Pluralistic Classical Evolutionary Systemic Processual Figure: 3Whittington’s (1993) generic perspective on strategy Author believes Emergent and Systemic approach to planning a strategy is apt and required by all parties involved( both policymakers and industrialists ) in order to operate in complex world with various socio-geo political limitations. This it can be concluded that to effectively manage human esources and to improve organisation performance , integration between human resource management and business strategy holds key for its success. (See Holbeche, 1999; Schuler and Jackson, 1999). EMPLOYEE RELATIONS IN COAL INDIA Coal India has both union and non-union based workers. Starting from 2009, it has been recruiting more than 1000 employees every year from premier management and technology schools across India. This is one of managemen t initiatives taken to inject fresh blood and reduce the average age of its labour force. While the decision to recruit young highly talented workforce as change agents is appreciable, 30 to 40 per cent of these employees quit every year for below reasons. 1) Staff felt they were demoralized by senior staff from the beginning. 2) Apart from salary issues, the staffs were under-utilised and faced hostility from seniors. 3) While recruitment, the staff were promised a grade above engineers however not fully implemented even after raising the concern to top management. Hence realized there are limited growth options. Treasurer of Coal Mines Officers Association of India partially accepted the conditions and commented this situation reflects the larger problem of stagnation within the organization It is understood , if the situation continues, the county’s top coal producer is likely to grapple with unprecedented HR crisis across its executive cadre because of limited growth options and 6000 of their employees mostly from executive cadre getting retired every year. Falling on relevant literature , Kochan . T , 2000 has stated that Asian model of employee relations is designed to support an economic strategy that emphasises human resources as a competitive asset- A strategy that requires a highly skilled and committed workforce and a cooperative labour management culture and system. In Coal India, it can be observed that there are required structures in place like Unions for labour management, since the company is too big, management of resources is challenging. Since the company works in a monopolistic structure, there isn’t healthy competition which will push the management to focus on current internal and external problems with more vigilance rather than its current laid back approach and bureaucratic functioning. It can be noted that HR strategies should operate consistently as is a vital part of the overall business plan (Stroh and Caligiuri, 1998). Within the organisation senior management there should regularly conduct analysis regarding the kind of HR competencies needed in the future, and accordingly core HR functions (of procurement, development and compensation) should work together collectively to meet such needs. (see Holbeche, 1999). The 2 core aspects which organization has to focus is Integration of HRM into the business and corporate strategy, and the devolvement of HRM to line managers instead of personnel specialists, thereby ensuring company doesn’t have power blockages and allow it to function smoothly. Brewster and Larsen (1992: 411–12) define integration as ‘the degree to which the HRM issues are considered to formulate long term business strategy’ and devolvement as ‘the degree to which HRM practices involve line managers has responsible rather than personnel specialists’. Similarly (Budhwar and Sparrow 1997; 2002; Hope-Hailey et al. , 1997; Truss et al. , 1997; Sisson and Storey, 2000) also highlighted the concept of devolvement for quicker response in large scale organizations. This process, highlights the need of prioritizing the issues and developing/ training more motivated employees for effective control. Instead of having a narrow hierarchy with in organization, there by leading to stagnation, it can be learnt from this theory that local problems should be resolved by local managers at grassroots level affording more time for senior management. Applying this theory to Coal India Limited, It can be understood that mine managers should be more proactive is liaising with local governments and bureaucracies to form an amicable solution for betterment of society as well as company. Company senior management should work closely and provide required assistance and authority to mine managers to perform their duties. In this context, the Coal India Limited management can learn from other global peers to understand how to deal with employee relations related issues effectively. Below is the summary of one such example stated by an author Young-Kee Kim, in his report on Employee relations. LG group from its inception till 1987 achieved high rates of economic growth with support from Government by suppressing unions, however in the period of 1987-89 it has faced severe hostility and strikes from its workers because of which resulted in 740 million dollars of loss. Post 1990 till 2005, as a result of research and many extensive internal surveys the roup has laid importance to new group level policy that emphasis the promotion of human dignity for employees and the maximisation of customer satisfaction. Voluntary employee participation in workplace organisational improvements has been identified as a critical success factor. Consequently the rapid realisation of co-operative labour relations and enlig htened ER practices has been recognised as tasks of major significance my member firms. * Company has evolved gradually from Passive support of Management perception of union to active partnership with unions.. It gradually made a cautious move from not just maintaining a stable labour relations climate in order to avoid labour disputes, it has invited a voluntary participation of employees and union leaders in management activities. * Unions characteristics of providing weak employee support to being professional in their activities and finally Employee Relations have moved from just dealing with basic issues to providing autonomy and participation of employees From the above example it can be understood that Firstly, without management innovation, co-operative Employee Relations cannot be achieved. For Labour management relations to be a positive sum game, these innovations should enable the company to achieve superior performance and the capacity to provide employees with better rewards. Secondly, much time and effort is required from top management to develop a constructive labour management culture. The Employee relations department cannot achieve the development of co-operative employment relations by itself. The labour management relationship should be viewed as a profit – creating relationship, rather than a cost –creating one. Thirdly, the company should support increased independence and professionalism on the part of the union and provide education for union leaders. A union that lacks professionalism is unable to get a full support of its members and lacks effective management strategies for administering union business because of high turnover of union officials. Fourthly, to be successful all these activities should be conducted consistently and systematically over time. Many companies only seriously consider the labour management relationship when faced by a critical problem. Such focused attention tends to fade when the strike is settled. As explained in the above example, LG group has chosen a different path and spent a year analysing its Employee relations. CONCLUSION IS PRIVATISATION A SOLUTION ? Currently both globally and in India, demand for coal is on the rise, thereby increasing the prices of coal. Due to the volatile times passing through, similar to other commodity sectors like Iron, steel, Coal Mining industry will also undergo divestment and monopoly of Coal India Limited will break. However privatisation is not a panacea for all issues lingering the sector. Time has come for Policy makers, bureaucracy and other parties involved come together to answer few critical questions while restructuring the sector. 1) How to deal with thousands of people making their livelihood from illegal mining of coal ? 2) Will the government able to accept few realities like people living in local region , have rights on mineral resources to strength the lower strata and provide a sense of security to their livelihood ? 3) Can the government, restructure the sector with more robust, full proof, social informed laws protecting and respecting the rights and interests of all involved ? ) With experience from privatising other commodities, after privatising coal mining ,it can be estimated that mushrooming of small coal mining leases can be experienced in an open market scenario. Hence laws and policies safeguarding the interests should be more inclusive than before. Where policies and laws have to deliver sustainable benefits to local and global communities, un like current laws that are focused only on mitigating the negative impacts of mining on the environment and marginalizing small groups over national priorities. Government policies need to take a more holistic approach in understanding about production of â€Å"Illegal mines† as well as marketing and distribution chains through which legally mined coal is illegally distributed. It is vital to integrate local interests in mine management plans to provide access to resources for local people and co-exist peacefully for inclusive growth.. References : Books and Internet Links * Bamber J, Park F, Lee C, Ross P and Broadbent K, 2000, Employment Relations in the ASIA-PACIFIC Changing Approaches, Allen and Unwin, Australia. BeardWell J ;amp; Claydon T, 1994, Human Resouce Management – A Contemporary Approach, Pearson Education Limited, Great Britian. * LG Group ( 1994) LG Labour – Management Relations Long-term Model Report * http://www. thehindubusinessline. com/companies/article2470720. ece * http://economictimes. indiatimes. com/coal-india-ltd/infocompanyhistory/companyid-11822. cms * http://articles. economictimes. indiatim es. com/2011-10-18/news/30295579_1_iits-and-iims-new-recruits-cil * http://www. firstpost. com/business/labour-pangs-for-coal-india-scrip-melts-in-the-heat-67084. tml * http://in. reuters. com/article/2012/10/12/tci-coalindia-idINDEE89B08G20121012 * http://www. dnaindia. com/money/report_coal-india-to-face-india-s-first-class-action-suit-in-15-days_1770358 * http://www. livemint. com/Companies/jEkLsitce5Qt0wx3gyS3sM/Coal-India8217s-UK-shareholder-to-file-petition-in-Indian. html * http://ibnlive. in. com/news/meghalaya-braveheart-fights-against-child-labour-in-coal-mines/266778-3. html * http://www. amusingplanet. com/2011/05/child-labor-in-indian-coal-mines. html * http://www. elshcoalmines. co. uk/forum/read. php? 4,50329,50370#msg-50370 * http://www. mining. com/los-angeles-times-uncovers-child-labour-in-indias-coal-mines/ * http://articles. timesofindia. indiatimes. com/2012-11-14/guwahati/35111450_1_child-labourers-coal-mines-meghalaya-government * http://www. businessinsider. com/photos-indias-illegal-coal-mines-2012-10? op=1 * http://www. thesundayindian. com/en/story/the-unfortunate-social-costs-of-coalgate-and-such-scams/42442/ * http://papers. ssrn. com/sol3/papers. cfm? abstract_id=1716581 *

Saturday, October 26, 2019

T.V Violence Affects Are Kids :: essays research papers

Television is the biggest form of multimedia out there. Its most important role is to report the news and maintain communications between people around the world. Television's most influential, yet most serious aspect is its shows for entertainment. Violent children's shows like Mighty Morphin Power Rangers and adult shows like NYPD Blue and Homicide almost always fail to show the characters resolve their differences in a non-violent manner, instead they show a more entertaining resolution, where the good guy beats the crap out of the bad guy. In one episode of NYPD Blue three people were murdered in the span of an hour. "Contemporary television creates a seemingly insatiable appetite for amusement of all kinds without regard for social or moral benefits" (Foley, 41). Findings over the past twenty years by three Surgeon Generals, the Attorney General's Task Force on Family Violence, the American Medical Association, the National Institute of Mental Health, the American Psychiatric Association, the American Psychological Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, and other medical authorities indicate that televised violence is harmful to all of us, but particularly to the mental health of children (Foley, 70-71). In 1989 the results of a five-year study by the American Psychological Association indicated that the average child has witnessed 8,000 murders and 100,000 other acts of violence on television by the time he or she has completed sixth grade. In further studies it was determined that by the time that same child graduates from high school he or she will have spent 22,000 hours watching television, twice as many hours as he or she has spent in school (Lamson 124). In a study by the Centers for Disease Control, published by the JAMA (Journal of the American Medical Association), it was shown that homicide rates had doubled between the introduction of television in the 1950's and the end of the study in 1994. In that same study other possible causes for the vast increases in violence were studied, "the 'baby boom' effect, trends in urbanization, economic trends, trends in alcohol abuse, the role of capital punishment, civil unrest, the availability of guns, and exposure to television"(Lamson 32). Each of these purported causes was tested in a variety of ways to see whether it could be eliminated as a credible contributor to doubling the crime rate in the United States, and one by each of them was invalidated, except for television.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Example Research: Critical Discourse Analysis

18 Critical Discourse Analysis TEUN A. VAN DIJK 0 Introduction: What Is Critical Discourse Analysis? Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. With such dissident research, critical discourse analysts take explicit position, and thus want to understand, expose, and ultimately resist social inequality.Some of the tenets of CDA can already be found in the critical theory of the Frankfurt School before the Second World War (Agger 1992b; Rasmussen 1996). Its current focus on language and discourse was initiated with the â€Å"critical linguistics† that emerged (mostly in the UK and Australia) at the end of the 1970s (Fowler et al. 1979; see also Mey 1985).CDA has also counterparts in â€Å"critical† developments in sociolinguistics, psychology, and the social sciences, some already dating back to the early 1970s (Birnbaum 1971; Calhoun 1995; Fay 1987; Fox and Prilleltensky 1997; Hymes 1972; Ibanez and Iniguez 1997; Singh 1996; Thomas 1993; Turkel 1996; Wodak 1996). As is the case in these neighboring disciplines, CDA may be seen as a reaction against the dominant formal (often â€Å"asocial† or â€Å"uncritical†) paradigms of the 1960s and 1970s.CDA is not so much a direction, school, or specialization next to the many other â€Å"approaches† in discourse studies. Rather, it aims to offer a different â€Å"mode† or â€Å"perspective† of theorizing, analysis, and application throughout the whole field. We may find a more or less critical perspective in such diverse areas as pragmatics, conversation analysis, narrative analysis, rhetoric, stylistics, sociolinguistics, ethnography, or media analysis, among others. Crucial for critical discourse analysts is the explicit awareness of their role in society.Continuing a tra dition that rejects the possibility of a â€Å"value-free† science, they argue that science, and especially scholarly discourse, are inherently part of and influenced by social structure, and produced in social interaction. Instead of denying or ignoring such a relation between scholarship and society, they plead that such relations be studied and accounted for in their own right, and that scholarly practices Critical Discourse Analysis 353 be based on such insights. Theory formation, description, and explanation, also in discourse analysis, are sociopolitically â€Å"situated,† whether we like it or not.Reflection on the role of scholars in society and the polity thus becomes an inherent part of the discourse analytical enterprise. This may mean, among other things, that discourse analysts conduct research in solidarity and cooperation with dominated groups. Critical research on discourse needs to satisfy a number of requirements in order to effectively realize its ai ms: †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ As is often the case for more marginal research traditions, CDA research has to be â€Å"better† than other research in order to be accepted.It focuses primarily on , social problems and political issues, rather than on current paradigms and fashions. Empirically adequate critical analysis of social problems is usually multidisciplinary. Rather than merely describe discourse structures, it tries to explain them in terms of properties of social interaction and especially social structure. More specifically, CDA focuses on the ways discourse structures enact, confirm, legitimate, reproduce, or challenge relations of power and dominance in society. Fairclough and Wodak (1997: 271-80) summarize the main tenets of CDA as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. . 7. 8. CDA addresses social problems Power relations are discursive Discourse constitutes society and culture Discourse does ideological work Discourse is historical The link between text and soc iety is mediated Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory Discourse is a form of social action. Whereas some of these tenets have also been discussed above, others need a more systematic theoretical analysis, of which we shall present some fragments here as a more or less general basis for the main principles of CDA (for details about these aims of critical discourse and language studies, see, e. . , Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard 1996; Fairclough 1992a, 1995a; Fairclough and Wodak 1997; Fowler et al. 1979; van Dijk 1993b). 1 Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks Since CDA is not a specific direction of research, it does not have a unitary theoretical framework. Within the aims mentioned above, there are many types of CDA, and these may be theoretically and analytically quite diverse. Critical analysis of conversation is very different from an analysis of news reports in the press or of lessons and teaching at school.Yet, given the common perspective and the general aims of CDA, we may also find overall conceptual and theoretical frameworks that are closely related. As suggested, most kinds of CDA will ask questions about the way specific 354 Teun A. van Dijk discourse structures are deployed in the reproduction of social dominance, whether they are part of a conversation or a news report or other genres and contexts.Thus, the typical vocabulary of many scholars in CDA will feature such notions as â€Å"power,† â€Å"dominance,† â€Å"hegemony,† â€Å"ideology,† â€Å"class,† â€Å"gender,† â€Å"race,† â€Å"discrimination,† â€Å"interests,† â€Å"reproduction,† â€Å"institutions,† â€Å"social structure,† and â€Å"social order,† besides the more familiar discourse analytical notions. ‘ In this section, I focus on a number of basic concepts themselves, and thus devise a theoretical framework that critically relates discourse, cognition, and society. 1. 1 Macro vs. microLanguage use, discourse, verbal interaction, and communication belong to the microlevel of the social order. Power, dominance, and inequality between social groups are typically terms that belong to a macrolevel of analysis. This means that CDA has to theoretically bridge the well-known â€Å"gap† between micro and macro approaches, which is of course a distinction that is a sociological construct in its own right (Alexander et al. 1987; Knorr-Cetina and Cicourel 1981). In everyday interaction and experience the macro- and microlevel (and intermediary â€Å"mesolevels†) form one unified whole.For instance, a racist speech in parliament is a discourse at the microlevel of social interaction in the specific situation of a debate, but at the same time may enact or be a constituent part of legislation or the reproduction of racism at the macrolevel. There are several ways to analyze and bridge these levels, and thus to arrive at a unified critical anal ysis: Members–groups: Language users-engage in discourse as members of (several) social groups, organizations, or institutions; and conversely, groups thus may act â€Å"by† their members. Actions–process: Social acts of individual actors are thus constituent parts of group actions and social processes, such as legislation, newsmaking, or the reproduction of racism. 3 Context–social structure: Situations of discursive interaction are similarly part or constitutive of social structure; for example, a press conference may be a typical practice of organizations and media institutions. That is, â€Å"local† and more â€Å"global† contexts are closely related, and both exercise constraints on discourse. Personal and social cognition: Language users as social actors have both personal and social cognition: personal memories, knowledge and opinions, as well as those shared with members of the group or culture as a whole. Both types of cognition inf luence interaction and discourse of individual members, whereas shared â€Å"social representations† govern the collective actions of a group. 1 1. 2 Power as control A central notion in most critical work on discourse is that of power, and more specifically the social power of groups or institutions.Summarizing a complex philosophical and social analysis, we will define social power in terms of control. Thus, groups have Critical Discourse Analysis 355 (more or less) power if they are able to (more or less) control the acts and minds of (members of) other groups. This ability presupposes a power base of privileged access to scarce social resources, such as force, money, status, fame, knowledge, information, â€Å"culture,† or indeed various forms of public discourse and communication (of the vast literature on power, see, e. . , Lukes 1986; Wrong 1979). Different types of power may be distinguished according to the various resources employed to exercise such power: th e coercive power of the military and of violent men will rather be based on force, the rich will have power because of their money, whereas the more or less persuasive power of parents, professors, or journalists may be based on knowledge, information, or authority. Note also that power is seldom absolute.Groups may more or less control other groups, or only control them in specific situations or social domains. Moreover, dominated groups may more or less resist, accept, condone, comply with, or legitimate such power, and even find it â€Å"natural. † The power of dominant groups may be integrated in laws, rules, norms, habits, and even a quite general consensus, and thus take the form of what Gramsci called â€Å"hegemony† (Gramsci 1971). Class domination, sexism, and racism are characteristic examples of such hegemony.Note also that power is not always exercised in obviously abusive acts of dominant group members, but may be enacted in the myriad of taken-for-granted actions of everyday life, as is typically the case in the many forms of everyday sexism or racism (Essed 1991). Similarly, not all members of a powerful group are always more powerful than all members of dominated groups: power is only defined here for groups as a whole. For our analysis of the relations between discourse and power, thus, we first find that access to specific forms of discourse, e. . those of politics, the media, or science, is itself a power resource. Secondly, as suggested earlier, action is controlled by our minds. So, if we are able to influence people's minds, e. g. their knowledge or opinions, we indirectly may control (some of) their actions, as we know from persuasion and manipulation. Closing the discourse–power circle, finally, this means that those groups who control most influential discourse also have more chances to control the minds and actions of others.Simplifying these very intricate relationships even further for this chapter, we can split up the issue of discursive power into two basic questions for CDA research: 1 How do (more) powerful groups control public discourse? 2 How does such discourse control mind and action of (less) powerful groups, and what are the social consequences of such control, such as social inequality? I address each question below. ‘ 1. 2. 1 Control of public discourseWe have seen that among many other resources that define the power base of a group or institution, access to or control over public discourse and communication is an important â€Å"symbolic† resource, as is the case for knowledge and information (van Dijk 1996). Most people have active control only over everyday talk with family members, friends, or colleagues, and passive control over, e. g. media usage. In many 356 Teun A. van Dijk situations, ordinary people are more or less passive targets of text or talk, e. g. f their bosses or teachers, or of the authorities, such as police officers, judges, welfare bureaucr ats, or tax inspectors, who may simply tell them what (not) to believe or what to do. On the other hand, members of more powerful social groups and institutions, and especially their leaders (the elites), have more or less exclusive access to, and control over, one or more types of public discourse. Thus, professors control scholarly discourse, teachers educational discourse, journalists media discourse, lawyers legal discourse, and politicians policy and other public political discourse.Those who have more control over more — and more influential — discourse (and more discourse properties) are by that definition also more powerful. In other words, we here propose a discursive definition (as well as a practical diagnostic) of one of the crucial constituents of social power. These notions of discourse access and control are very general, and it is one of the tasks of CDA to spell out these forms of power. Thus, if discourse is defined in terms of complex communicative e vents, access and control may be defined both for the context and for the structures of text and talk themselves.Context is defined as the mentally represented structure of those properties of the social situation that are relevant for the production or comprehension of discourse (Duranti and Goodwin 1992; van Dijk 1998b). It consists of such categories as the overall definition of the situation, setting (time, place), ongoing actions (including discourses and discourse genres), participants in various communicative, social, or institutional roles, as well as their mental representations: goals, knowledge, opinions, attitudes, and ideologies. Controlling context involves control over one or more of these categories, e. . determining the definition of the communicative situation, deciding on time and place of the communicative event, or on which participants may or must be present, and in which roles, or what knowledge or opinions they should (not) have, and which social actions may or must be accomplished by discourse. Also crucial in the enactment or exercise of group power is control not only over content, but over the structures of text and talk. Relating text and context, thus, we already saw that (members of) powerful groups may decide on the (possible) discourse genre(s) or speech acts of an occasion.A teacher or judge may require a direct answer from a student or suspect, respectively, and not a personal story or an argument (Wodak 1984a, 1986). More critically, we may examine how powerful speakers may abuse their power in such situations, e. g. when police officers use force to get a confession from a suspect (Linell and Jonsson 1991), or when male editors exclude women from writing economic news (van Zoonen 1994). Similarly, genres typically have conventional schemas consisting of various categories. Access to some of these may be prohibited or obligatory, e. . some greetings in a conversation may only be used by speakers of a specific social group, r ank, age, or gender (Irvine 1974). Also vital for all discourse and communication is who controls the topics (semantic macrostructures) and topic change, as when editors decide what news topics will be covered (Gans 1979; van Dijk 1988a, 1988b), professors decide what topics will be dealt with in class, or men control topics and topic change in conversations with women (Palmer 1989; Fishman 1983; Leet-Pellegrini 1980; Lindegren-Lerman 1983).Critical Discourse Analysis 357 Although most discourse control is contextual or global, even local details of meaning, form, or style may be controlled, e. g. the details of an answer in class or court, or choice of lexical items or jargon in courtrooms, classrooms or newsrooms (Martin Rojo 1994). In many situations, volume may be controlled and speakers ordered to â€Å"keep their voice down† or to â€Å"keep quiet,† women may be â€Å"silenced† in many ways (Houston and Kramarae 1991), and in some cultures one needs to â⠂¬Å"mumble† as a form of respect (Albert 1972).The public use of specific words may be banned as subversive in a dictatorship, and discursive challenges to culturally dominant groups (e. g. white, western males) by their multicultural opponents may be ridiculed in the media as â€Å"politically correct† (Williams 1995). And finally, action and interaction dimensions of discourse may be controlled by prescribing or proscribing specific speech acts, and by selectively distributing or interrupting turns (see also Diamond 1996).In sum, virtually all levels and structures of context, text, and talk can in principle be more or less controlled by powerful speakers, and such power may be abused at the expense of other participants. It should, however, be stressed that talk and text do not always and directly enact or embody the overall power relations between groups: it is always the context that may interfere with, reinforce, or otherwise transform such relationships. 1. 2. 2 Mind control If controlling discourse is a first major form of power, controlling people's minds is the other fundamental way to reproduce dominance and hegemony. Within a CDA framework, â€Å"mind control† involves even more than just acquiring beliefs about the world through discourse and communication. Suggested below are ways that power and dominance are involved in mind control. First, recipients tend to accept beliefs, knowledge, and opinions (unless they are inconsistent with their personal beliefs and experiences) through discourse from what they see as authoritative, trustworthy, or credible sources, such as scholars, experts, professionals, or reliable media (Nesler et al. 1993). Second, in some situations participants are obliged to be recipients of discourse, e. . in education and in many job situations. Lessons, learning materials, job instructions, and other discourse types in such cases may need to be attended to, interpreted, and learned as intended by institu tional or organizational authors (Giroux 1981). Third, in many situations there are no pubic discourses or media that may provide information from which alternative beliefs may be derived (Downing 1984). Fourth, and closely related to the previous points, recipients may not have the knowledge and beliefs needed to challenge the discourses or information they are exposed to (Wodak 1987).Whereas these conditions of mind control are largely contextual (they say something about the participants of a communicative event), other conditions are discursive, that is, a function of the structures and strategies of text or talk itself. In other words, given a specific context, certain meanings and forms of discourse have more influence on people's minds than others, as the very notion of â€Å"persuasion† and a tradition of 2000 years of rhetoric may show. ‘ Once we have elementary insight into some of the structures of the mind, and what it means to control it, the crucial questi on is how discourse and its structures are able 58 Teun A. van Dijk to exercise such control. As suggested above, such discursive influence may be due to context as well as to the structures of text and talk themselves. Contextually based control derives from the fact that people understand and represent not only text and talk, but also the whole communicative situation. Thus, CDA typically studies how context features (such as the properties of language users of powerful groups) influence the ways members of dominated groups define the communicative situation in â€Å"preferred context models† (Martin Rojo and van Dijk 1997).CDA also focuses on how discourse structures influence mental representations. At the global level of discourse, topics may influence what people see as the most important information of text or talk, and thus correspond to the top levels of their mental models. For example, expressing such a topic in a headline in news may powerfully influence how an ev ent is defined in terms of a â€Å"preferred† mental model (e. g. when crime committed by minorities is typically topicalized and headlined in the press: Duin et al. 988; van Dijk 1991). Similarly, argumentation may be persuasive because of the social opinions that are â€Å"hidden† in its implicit premises and thus taken for granted by the recipients, e. g. immigration may thus be restricted if it is presupposed in a parliamentary debate that all refugees are â€Å"illegal† (see the contributions in Wodak and van Dijk 2000) Likewise, at the local level, in order to understand discourse meaning and coherence, people may need models featuring beliefs that remain implicit (presupposed) in discourse.Thus, a typical feature of manipulation is to communicate beliefs implicitly, that is, without actually asserting them, and with less chance that they will be challenged. These few examples show how various types of discourse structure may influence the formation and ch ange of mental models and social representations. If dominant groups, and especially their elites, largely control public discourse and its structures, they thus also have more control over the minds of the public at large. However, such control has its limits.The complexity of comprehension, and the formation and change of beliefs, are such that one cannot always predict which features of a specific text or talk will have which effects on the minds of specific recipients. These brief remarks have provided us with a very general picture of how discourse is involved in dominance (power abuse) and in the production and reproduction of social inequality. It is the aim of CDA to examine these relationships in more detail. In the next section, we review several areas of CDA research in which these relationships are investigated. ‘ 2 Research in Critical Discourse AnalysisAlthough most discourse studies dealing with any aspect of power, domination, and social inequality have not bee n explicitly conducted under the label of CDA, we shall nevertheless refer to some of these studies below. 2. 1 Gender inequality One vast field of critical research on discourse and language that thus far has not been carried out within a CDA perspective is that of gender. In many ways, feminist Critical Discourse Analysis 359 work has become paradigmatic for much discourse analysis, especially since much of this work explicitly deals with social inequality and domination.We will not review it here; see Kendall and Tannen, this volume; also the books authored and edited by, e. g. , Cameron (1990, 1992); Kotthoff and Wodak (1997); Seidel (1988); Thorne et al. (1983); Wodak (1997); for discussion and comparison with an approach that emphasizes cultural differences rather than power differences and inequality, see, e. g. , Tannen (1994a); see also Tannen (1994) for an analysis of gender differences at work, in which many of the properties of discursive dominance are dealt with. 2. 2 M edia discourseThe undeniable power of the media has inspired many critical studies in many disciplines: linguistics, semiotics, pragmatics, and discourse studies. Traditional, often content analytical approaches in critical media studies have revealed biased, stereotypical, sexist or racist images in texts, illustrations, and photos. Early studies of media language similarly focused on easily observable surface structures, such as the biased or partisan use of words in the description of Us and Them (and Our/Their actions and characteristics), especially along sociopolitical lines in the representation of communists.The critical tone was set by a series of â€Å"Bad News† studies by the Glasgow University Media Group (1976, 1980, 1982, 1985, 1993) on features of TV reporting, such as in the coverage of various issues (e. g. industrial disputes (strikes), the Falklands (Malvinas) war, the media coverage of AIDS. ) Perhaps best known outside of discourse studies is the media re search carried out by Stuart Hall and his associates within the framework of the cultural studies paradigm. (See, e. g. , Hall et al. 1980; for introduction to the critical work of cultural studies, see Agger 1992a; see also Collins et al. 986; for earlier critical approaches to the analysis of media images, see also Davis and Walton 1983; and for a later CDA approach to media studies that is related to the critical approach of cultural studies, see Fairclough 1995b. See also Cotter, this volume. ) An early collection of work of Roger Fowler and his associates (Fowler et al. 1979) also focused on the media. As with many other English and Australian studies in this paradigm, the theoretical framework of Halliday's functional-systemic grammar is used in a study of the â€Å"transitivity† of syntactic patterns of sentences (see Martin, this volume).The point of such research is that events and actions may be described with syntactic variations that are a function of the underlyi ng involvement of actors (e. g. their agency, responsibility, and perspective). Thus, in an analysis of the media accounts of the â€Å"riots† during a minority festival, the responsibility of the authorities and especially of the police in such violence may be systematically de-emphasized by defocusing, e. g. by passive constructions and nominalizations; that is, by leaving agency and responsibility implicit.Fowler's later critical studies of the media continue this tradition, but also pay tribute to the British cultural studies paradigm that defines news not as a reflection of reality, but as a product shaped by political, economic, and cultural forces (Fowler 1991). More than in much other critical work on the media, he also focuses on the linguistic â€Å"tools† for such a critical study, such as the analysis of transitivity in syntax, lexical structure, modality, and speech acts.Similarly van Dijk (1988b) applies a theory of news discourse (van Dijk 1988a) in 360 Teun A. van Dijk critical studies of international news, racism in the press, and the coverage of squatters in Amsterdam. 2. 3 Political discourse Given the role of political discourse in the enactment, reproduction, and legitimization of power and domination, we may also expect many critical discourse studies of political text and talk (see Wilson, this volume).So far most of this work has been carried out by linguists and discourse analysts, because political science is among the few social disciplines in which discourse analysis has remained virtually unknown, although there is some influence of â€Å"postmodern† approaches to discourse (Derian and Shapiro 1989; Fox and Miller 1995), and many studies of political communication and rhetoric overlap with a discourse analytical approach (Nimmo and Sanders 1981).Still closer to discourse analysis is the current approach to â€Å"frames† (conceptual structures or sets of beliefs that organize political thought, policies, and discourse) in the analysis of political text and talk (Gamson 1992). In linguistics, pragmatics, and discourse studies, political discourse has received attention outside the more theoretical mainstream. Seminal work comes from Paul Chilton; see, e. g. , his collection on the language of the nuclear arms debate (Chilton 1985), as well as later work on contemporary nukespeak (Chilton 1988) and metaphor (Chilton 1996; Chilton and Lakoff 1995).Although studies of political discourse in English are internationally best known because of the hegemony of English, much work has been done (often earlier, and often more systematic and explicit) in German, Spanish, and French. This work is too extensive to even begin to review here beyond naming a few influential studies. Germany has a long tradition of political discourse analysis, both (then) in the West (e. g. about Bonn's politicians by Zimmermann 1969), as well as in the former East (e. g. he semiotic-materialist theory of Klaus 1971 ) (see also the introduction by Bachem 1979). This tradition in Germany witnessed a study of the language of war and peace (Pasierbsky 1983) and of speech acts in political discourse (Holly 1990). There is also a strong tradition of studying fascist language and discourse (e. g. the lexicon, propaganda, media, and language politics; Ehlich 1989). In France, the study of political language has a respectable tradition in linguistics and discourse analysis, also because the barrier between (mostly structuralist) inguistic theory and text analysis was never very pronounced. Discourse studies are often corpus-based and there has been a strong tendency toward formal, quantitative, and automatic (content) analysis of such big datasets, often combined with critical ideological analysis (Pecheux 1969, 1982; Guespin 1976). The emphasis on automated analysis usually implies a focus on (easily quantifiable) lexical analyses (see Stubbs, this volume).Critical political discourse studies in Spain and especially also in Latin America has been very productive. Famous is the early critical semiotic (anticolonialist) study of Donald Duck by Dorfman and Mattelart (1972) in Chile. Lavandera et al. (1986, 1987) in Argentina take an influential sociolinguistic approach to political discourse, e. g. its typology of authoritarian discourse. Work of this group has been continued and organized in a more explicit CDA framework especially by Pardo (see, e. g. her work Critical Discourse Analysis 361 on legal discourse; Pardo 1996). In Mexico, a detailed ethnographic discourse analysis of local authority and decision-making was carried out by Sierra (1992). Among the many other critical studies in Latin America, we should mention the extensive work of Teresa CarbO on parliamentary discourse in Mexico, focusing especially on the way delegates speak about native Americans (CarbO 1995), with a study in English on interruptions in these debates (CarbO 1992). . 4 Ethnocentrism, antisemitism, n ationalism, and racism The study of the role of discourse in the enactment and reproduction of ethnic and â€Å"racial† inequality has slowly emerged in CDA. Traditionally, such work focused on ethnocentric and racist representations in the mass media, literature, and film (Dines and Humez 1995; UNESCO 1977; Wilson and Gutierrez 1985; Hartmann and Husband 1974; van Dijk 1991).Such representations continue centuries-old dominant images of the Other in the discourses of European travelers, explorers, merchants, soldiers, philosophers, and historians, among other forms of elite discourse (Barker 1978; Lauren 1988). Fluctuating between the emphasis on exotic difference, on the one hand, and supremacist derogation stressing the Other's intellectual, moral, and biological inferiority, on the other hand, such discourses also influenced public opinion and led to broadly shared social representations.It is the continuity of this sociocultural tradition of negative images about the Oth er that also partly explains the persistence of dominant patterns of representation in contemporary discourse, media, and film (Shohat and Stam 1994). Later discourse studies have gone beyond the more traditional, content analytical analysis of â€Å"images† of the Others, and probed more deeply into the linguistic, semiotic, and other discursive properties of text and talk to and about minorities, immigrants, and Other peoples (for detailed review, see Wodak and Reisigl, this volume).Besides the mass media, advertising, film, and textbooks, which were (and still are) the genres most commonly studied, this newer work also focuses on political discourse, scholarly discourse, everyday conversations, service encounters, talk shows, and a host of other genres. Many studies on ethnic and racial inequality reveal a remarkable similarity among the stereotypes, prejudices, and other forms of verbal derogation across discourse types, media, and national boundaries.For example, in a va st research program carried out at the University of Amsterdam since the early 1980s, we examined how Surinamese, Turks, and Moroccans, and ethnic relations generally, are represented in conversation, everyday stories, news reports, textbooks, parliamentary debates, corporate discourse, and scholarly text and talk (van Dijk 1984, 1987a, 1987b, 1991, 1993). Besides stereotypical topics of difference, deviation, and threat, story structures, conversational features (such as hesitations and repairs in mentioning Others), semantic moves such as disclaimers (â€Å"We have nothing against blacks, but . . . , etc. ), lexical description of Others, and a host of other discourse features also were studied. The aim of these projects was to show how discourse expresses and reproduces underlying social representations of Others in the social and political context. Ter Wal (1997) applies this framework in a detailed study of the ways Italian political and media discourse gradually changed, from an antiracist commitment and benign representation 362 Teun A. van Dijk of the â€Å"extracommunitari† (non-Europeans) to a more stereotypical and negative por- trayal of immigrants in terms of crime, deviance, and threat. The major point f our work is that racism (including antisemitism, xenophobia, and related forms of resentment against â€Å"racially† or ethnically defined Others) is a complex system of social and political inequality that is also reproduced by discourse in general, and by elite discourses in particular (see further references in Wodak and Reisigl, this volume). Instead of further elaborating the complex details of the theoretical relationships between discourse and racism, we shall refer to a book that may be taken as a prototype of conservative elite discourse on â€Å"race† today, namely, The End of Racism by Dinesh D'Souza (1995).This text embodies many of the dominant ideologies in the USA, especially on the right, and it specifically targets one minority group in the USA: African Americans. Space prohibits detailed analysis of this 700-page book (but see van Dijk 1998a). Here we can merely summarize how the CDA of D'Souza's The End of Racism shows what kind of discursive structures, strategies, and moves are deployed in exercising the power of the dominant (white, western, male) group, and how readers are manipulated to form or confirm the social representations that are consistent with a conservative, supremacist ideology.The overall strategy of D'Souza's The End of Racism is the combined implementation, at all levels of the text, of the positive presentation of the in-group and the negative presentation of the out-group. In D'Souza's book, the principal rhetorical means are those of hyperbole and metaphor, viz. , the exaggerated representation of social problems in terms of illness (â€Å"pathologies,† â€Å"virus†), and the emphasis of the contrast between the Civilized and the Barbarians. Seman tically and lexically, the Others are thus associated not simply with difference, but rather with deviance (â€Å"illegitimacy†) and threat (violence, attacks).Argumentative assertions of the depravity of black culture are combined with denials of white deficiencies (racism), with rhetorical mitigation and euphemization of its crimes (colonialism, slavery), and with semantic reversals of blame (blaming the victim). Social conflict is thus cognitively represented and enhanced by polarization, and discursively sustained and reproduced by derogating, demonizing, and excluding the Others from the community of Us, the Civilized. 2. From group domination to professional and institutional power We have reviewed in this section critical studies of the role of discourse in the (re)production inequality. Such studies characteristically exemplify the CDA perspective on power abuse and dominance by specific social groups. ‘ Many other studies, whether under the CDA banner or not, a lso critically examine various genres of institutional and professional discourse, e. g. text and talk in the courtroom (see Shuy, this volume; Danet 1984; O'Barr et al. 978; Bradac et al. 1981; Ng and Bradac 1993; Lakoff 1990; Wodak 1984a; Pardo 1996; Shuy 1992), bureaucratic discourse (Burton and Carlen 1979; Radtke 1981), medical discourse (see Ainsworth-Vaughn and Fleischman, this volume; Davis 1988; Fisher 1995; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mishler 1984; West 1984; Wodak 1996), educational and scholarly discourse (Aronowitz 1988; Critical Discourse Analysis 363 Apple 1979; Bourdieu 1984, 1989; Bernstein 1975, 1990; Bourdieu et al. 1994; Giroux 1981; Willis 1977; Atkinson et al. 995; Coulthard 1994; Duszak 1997; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mercer 1995; Wodak 1996; Bergvall and Remlinger 1996; Ferree and Hall 1996; Jaworski 1983; Leimdorfer 1992; Osler 1994; Said 1979; Smith 1991; van Dijk 1987, 1993), and corporate discourse (see Linde, this volume; Mumby 1988; Boden 1994; Drew and Heritage 1992; Ehlich 1995; Mumby 1993; Mumby and Clair 1997), among many other sets of genres. In all these cases, power and dominance are associated with specific social domains (politics, media, law, education, science, etc. , their professional elites and institutions, and the rules and routines that form the background of the everyday discursive reproduction of power in such domains and institutions. The victims or targets of such power are usually the public or citizens at large, the â€Å"masses,† clients, subjects, the audience, students, and other groups that are dependent on institutional and organizational power. 3 Conclusion We have seen in this chapter that critical discourse analyses deal with the relationship between discourse and power.We have also sketched the complex theoretical framework needed to analyze discourse and power, and provided a glimpse of the many ways in which power and domination are reproduced by text and talk. Yet several methodological and theoreti cal gaps remain. First, the cognitive interface between discourse structures and those of the local and global social context is seldom made explicit, and appears usually only in terms of the notions of knowledge and ideology (van Dijk 1998).Thus, despite a large number of empirical studies on discourse and power, the details of the multidisciplinary theory of CDA that should relate discourse and action with cognition and society are still on the agenda. Second, there is still a gap between more linguistically oriented studies of text and talk and the various approaches in the social. The first often ignore concepts and theories in sociology and political science on power abuse and inequality, whereas the second seldom engage in detailed discourse analysis. Integration of various approaches is therefore very important to arrive at a satisfactory form of multidisciplinary CDA.NOTES I am indebted to Ruth Wodak for her comments on an earlier version of this chapter, and to Laura Pardo for further information, about CDA research in Latin America. 1 It comes as no surprise, then, that CDA research will often refer to the leading social philosophers and social scientists of our time when theorizing these and other fundamental notions. Thus, reference to the leading scholars of the Frankfurter School and to contemporary work by Habermas (for instance, on legitimation and his last â€Å"discourse† approach to norms and democracy) is of course common in critical analysis. Similarly, many critical studies will refer to Foucault 64 Teun A. van Dijk when dealing with notions such as power, domination, and discipline or the more philosophical notion of â€Å"orders of discourse. † More recently, the many studies on language, culture, and society by Bourdieu have become increasingly influential; for instance, his notion of â€Å"habitus. † From another sociological perspective, Giddens's structuration theory is now occasionally mentioned. It should be b orne in mind that although several of these social philosophers and sociologists make extensive use of the notions of language and discourse, they seldom engage in explicit, systematic discourse analysis.Indeed, the last thing critical discourse scholars should do is to uncritically adopt philosophical or sociological ideas about language and discourse that are obviously uninformed by advances in contemporary linguistics and discourse analysis. Rather, the work referred to here is mainly relevant for the use of fundamental concepts about the social order and hence for the metatheory of CDA. 2 Space limitations prevent discussion of a third issue: how dominated groups discursively challenge or resist the control of powerful groups. 3 Note that â€Å"mind control† is merely a handy phrase to summarize a very complex process.Cognitive psychology and mass communication research have shown that influencing the mind is not as straightforward a process as simplistic ideas about mind control might suggest (Britton and Graesser 1996; Glasser and Salmon 1995; Klapper 1960; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983). Recipients may vary in their interpretation and uses of text and talk, also as a function of class, gender, or culture (Liebes and Katz 1990). Likewise, recipients seldom passively accept the intended opinions of specific discourses. However, we should not forget that most of our beliefs about the world are acquired through discourse. In order to analyze the complex processes involved in how discourse may control people's minds, we would need to spell out the detailed mental representations and cognitive operations studied in cognitive science. Since even an adequate summary is beyond the scope of this chapter, we will only briefly introduce a few notions that are necessary to understand the processes of discursive mind control (for details, see, e. g. , Graesser and Bower 1990; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983; van Oostendorp and Zwaan 1994; Weaver et al. 1995). 5 Note tha t the picture just sketched is very schematic and general.The relations between the social power of groups and institutions, on the one hand, and discourse on the other, as well as between discourse and cognition, and cognition and society, are vastly more complex. There are many contradictions. There is not always a clear picture of one dominant group (or class or institution) oppressing another one, controlling all public discourse, and such discourse directly controlling the mind of the dominated. There are many forms of collusion, consensus, legitimation, and even â€Å"joint production† of forms of inequality.Members of dominant groups may become dissidents and side with dominated groups, and vice versa. Opponent discourses may be adopted by dominant groups, whether strategically to neutralize them, or simply because dominant power and ideologies may change, as is for instance quite obvious in ecological discourse and ideology. 6 Unfortunately, the study of the discursiv e reproduction of class has been rather neglected in this perspective; for a related approach, though, see Willis (1977). Critical Discourse Analysis 365 REFERENCES Agger, B. (1992a). Cultural Studies as Critical Theory. London: Falmer Press.Agger, B. (1992b). The Discourse of Domination. 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